By Cathrin Schütz
As
stated by chief prosecutor Carla del Ponte, in the upcoming months the
prosecution in the trial against former Yugoslav president Slobodan Milosevic
in The Hague will focus on “Sarajevo“ and “Srebrenica“.[1]
According
to some official reports, between 7.000 and 8.000 Bosnian Muslims were killed
in July 1995, when Serb units launched an attack on the UN “save heaven”
of Srebrenica. Doubts continue to surface regarding the extent and nature of
these alleged crimes because the official side of the story is in many
respects lacking in factual verification.[2]
After
del Ponte herself had to admit that the Kosovo-case (which originally served
as the grounds for the Milosevic indictment and the former president’s
abduction and delivery to the Hague tribunal) lacked the charge of genocide
because there is no evidence for that, the prosecution came up with additional
indictments for Croatia and Bosnia and accused Milosevic for genocide in
Bosnia, a point which is mainly based on the events around Srebrenica.
Recently,
the prosecution suffered from another big disappointment when Slobodan
Milosevic’s predecessor - former Yugoslav president Zoran Lilic - testified
in The Hague on June 17. Lilic stated that Mr. Milosevic had not been involved
in the Srebrenica massacre. The next day media headlines announced
“Srebrenica »outraged« Milosevic“.[3]
But
just one day later, this positive message for Milosevic disappeared and the
international press reported an opposite line, saying: “Paper could link
Milosevic with massacre“.[4]
The
paper in question is an official document provided to the prosecution by the
London-based “Institute for War and Peace Reporting“ (IWPR). It is an
order signed on July 10, 1995 by Bosnian-Serb Interior Minister Tomislav Kovac,
which instructs that a Serbian police unit should be moved from Sarajevo to
Srebrenica to “crush the enemy offensive being carried out from the UN safe
heaven of Srebrenica“.[5]
But
the statements appearing on the occasion of the presentation of the paper
appear to be to the advantage of former president Milosevic. Some unusual
comments were made about the lack of any evidence for the involvement of
Milosevic – except the new-found document. IWPR bureau chief in The Hague,
Stacey Sullivan, while praising the paper, stated: “Up until now, it was
generally assumed that there was no link between what happened in Srebrenica
and Belgrade.“ As stated in the NYT on June 19, an official in the
prosecutors office said “for the moment, this is the first such document
relating to the July 1995 massacre”.[6]
SFOR news confirms this. Reporting about the new-found document, SFOR news
states on June 20, 2003: “To date, it was mostly assumed that until the
summer of 1995, Serbia had cut off all of its ties to the Bosnian Serb
leadership and that the former Serbian forces had not participated in the
military operation in Srebrenica”.[7]
According
to Sullivan, the document shows for the first time that police from Serbia
participated in this operation. The “Coalition for International Justice“
in Washington pointed out the contrary by saying that the document does not
prove any involvement of those units. And what is still unknown, and what
Sullivan had to admit herself, is whether Milosevic actually knew about those
troops.
The
NYT, usually in line with the rest of the corporate media in pre-convicting
the former president, suddenly choose to leave no doubts about the awareness
of any lack of evidence against Milosevic in the Srebrenica case. “Witnesses
and even participants in the massacre have told the tribunal the roles played
by the army, police and paramilitary fighters in the blood bath. But even
during the trial of Gen. Radislav Krstic, one of the commanders at Srebrenica,
who was sentenced to 46 years in prison for genocide, prosecutors had no
documents linking the atrocities to Belgrade”.
Recalling
the reactions following the first presentation of the paper, it now looks like
it got more attention than it actually deserved. Apparently, it provides no
"new evidence" against Milosevic. Florence Hartmann, spokesperson of
the prosecution, called the document later only “an element“, and
announced there will be additional elements and special witnesses for
Srebrenica. The assumption remains that the document was presented at the
exact moment when Lilic’s testimony of Milosevic’s innocence was the
number one topic, in order to deflect attention from news headlines which
could undermine the prosecution’s credibility. The IWPR assertion that the
paper had been “overlooked” seems to be highly questionable. The
assumption that the Institute (which with its branch in The Hague enjoys a
physical closeness to the tribunal) played in the prosecutors hands, is
bolstered by a look on their own list of cooperating organizations and
partners. Among these is the “Open Society Institute“ of US-American
Billionaire George Soros, who also provides funds directly to the tribunal.
With “USAID“ the institute receives money from the US-government. Aid is
also coming from the US-American organization “International
Research & Exchanges Board”
(IREX). At the same time, IREX is financing basically a long list of
journalists from former Yugoslavia reporting from the Milosevic-trial in The
Hague – providing training, apartments, computers, etc. According to their
own web-side information, IREX receives funds from the US Department of State
as well as from media giant CNN-AOL-Time Warner, the latter also contributes
financially to the ICTY.[8]
Since
Slobodan Milosevic is not permitted by the ICTY to give press-statements,
Vladimir Krsljanin, one of his Belgrade assistants, comments for junge
Welt: “Carla del Ponte recently boasted to the press that she was able
to prove all charges – except that genocide would be more difficult. But
even that she said will succeed in the upcoming months. But that was only her
attempt to hide her complete failures in this regard from the public, because
even her position as chief-prosecutor has come under question. Slobodan
Milosevic’s guilt cannot be proven because it does not exist. Everybody
knows that he publicly and consistently condemned every extremism and crime.
In his opening statement, he announced that he would prove the complicity of
Western secret services in the worst crimes in Bosnia and Croatia.“
Indeed,
this enterprise seems more likely to be successful than the prosecution’s
attempt to present evidence for a connection between Milosevic and the
massacre at Srebrenica. And the report of the commission of the Dutch
Institute for War Documentation (NIOD), led by Cees Wiebes, agrees. “For
five years, Professor Cees Wiebes of Amsterdam University has had unrestricted
access to Dutch intelligence files and has stalked the corridors of secret
service headquarters in western capitals, as well as in Bosnia, asking
questions.“[9]
The German Berliner Zeitung in April 2002, in reference to the Dutch report,
stated, there were “no hints for a direct involvement of Milosevic and
Serb authorities from Belgrade“ in the attack on Srebrenica. Meanwhile,
the same report according to The Guardian, revealed the direct involvement of
external forces: “America used Islamists to arm the Bosnian Muslims, The
Srebrenica report reveals the Pentagon's role in a dirty war. The official
Dutch inquiry into the 1995 Srebrenica massacre, released last week, contains
one of the most sensational reports on western intelligence ever published.“
“Weapons flown in during the spring of 1995 were to turn up only a fortnight
later in the besieged and demilitarized enclave at Srebrenica. When these
shipments were noticed, Americans pressured UNPROFOR to rewrite reports, and
when Norwegian officials protested about the flights, they were reportedly
threatened into silence“, reports The Guardian.
If
del Ponte wants to keep her promise of proving the genocide charge, she may
need to follow what seems to be her common routine of manipulating witnesses,
as was seen in the case of Rade Markovic. The former head of state security,
supposedly a witness on behalf of the prosecution, stated in his testimony
that he was offered a deal in order to deliver a statement against Slobodan
Milosevic.[10]
Del Ponte’s mid-July statement – in which she hoped that indicted senior
political and military figures during Milosevics 13 years in power would
testify against their former leader[11]
- sounds more and more like an announcement of new attempts to “incriminate
testimony for extenuating circumstances“.
Published in "junge Welt” (Berlin), "Beweisnot in Den Haag", August 19, 2003
URL:
http://www.jungewelt.de/2003/08-19/005.php
[1]
In: Arthur Max, UN Prosecutor to Show Milosevic Evidence, Associated
Press, July 16, 2003
[2]
Among many, see Jürgen
Elsässer, Anatomie
einer Tragödie,
Der Fall von Srebrenica (I): Horrorzahlen und seriöse Untersuchungen,
junge Welt, 10.07.2003
and Jürgen
Elsässer, Srebrenica
– kein Völkermord,
Jahrestag der Einnahme durch serbische Truppen (II): Massakeropfer und
Gefechtstote auf beiden Seiten, junge Welt, 11.07.2003; see also: George
Pumphrey, Srebrenica: 5 Years Later, And Still Searching, http://www.balkanpeace.org/cib/bos/boss/boss12.shtml
[3]
Srebrenica “outraged“ Milosevic, The Guradian, June 18, 2003
[4]
e.g. Marlise Simons, Prosecutors say Document links Milosevic to genocide,
NYT, June 19, 2003
[5]
Milosevic linked to Srebrenica, Radio Netherlands Wereldomroep, June 20,
2003, http://www.rnw.nl/hotspots/html/icty030620.html
[6]
Marlise Simons, Prosecutors say Document links Milosevic to genocide, NYT,
June 19, 2003
[7]
SFOR main news, June 20, 2003, www.nato.int/sfor/media/2003/ms030620.htm
[8]
See www.irex.org and for the information of funds going to the ICTY, see
Christopher Black,
An Impartial Tribunal, Really?, http://www.swans.com/library/art5/zig036.html
[9]
Richard J Aldrich, America used Islamists to arm the Bosnian Muslims, The
Srebrenica report reveals the Pentagon's role in a dirty war, The Guardian
(London), April 22, 2002
[10]
see Klaus Hartmann, Wegschauprozeß geht weiter, junge Welt, September 26,
2002
[11]
Arthur Max, UN Prosecutor to Show Milosevic Evidence, Associated Press,
July 16, 2003
FURTHER READING:
A) PAST OF CARLA DEL PONTE
TRANSLATION OF INTERVIEW BY JURGEN ELSAESSER WITH FELIPE TUROVER ON CARLA DEL PONTE (source: Konkret, December 2002)
Translated by Colin Meade
[quotation]
Felipe
Turover: "Carla del Ponte told the hit-men where to find me".
[Introduction]
"Justice
is a woman", said UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan about Carla del Ponte,
currently Chief Prosecutor in the Hague trial of Slobodan Milosevic. Felipe
Turover's experience of the Swiss jurist is very different.
37-year old Felipe comes from a Spanish Republican family whose parents
fled with him from Franco to the Soviet Union.
After the death of the dictator, Felipe returned to his native land
before going back at the end of the 1980s to Moscow as a financial expert.
From 1992 to 1999 he worked for the Yeltsin government managing debts with
Western creditor banks.
[Interview]
Elsässer:
You are the chief witness in the Mabetex case, also known as Russiagate.
What is it about and how does Carla del Ponte come into it?
Turover:
Mabetex is a construction company based in Lugano in Italian
Switzerland. It belongs to the
Kosovo Albanian Beghijet Pacolli who now has a Swiss passport.
In the 1990s Pacolli and his business partner Viktor Stolpovskich won
some two billion euros-worth of orders from the Kremlin, supposedly for
building and restoration work in the government and presidential complex.
It has been proved that billions of dollars vanished from Russia
through this operation, with millions being spent on bribes in Moscow in
return. Pacolli acted as
guarantor for credit cards for Yeltsin and both his daughters, according to
the Banca del Gottardo which issued the cards.
Carla del Ponte, at that time a Swiss public prosecutor contacted me in
1997 and asked me to be ready to testify in the case.
Later she invited the Russian investigating prosecutor Yuri Skuratov to
Switzerland and put me in touch with him.
At that time she already had a reputation as a great fighter for
justice and I therefore did as she asked.
That was an almost fatal error.
Elsässer:
Why?
Turover:
I was dependent on her honesty and had made it clear to her from the
start that my testimony placed my life in danger.
I was still at the time working as an advisor to the Russian
authorities, i.e. for the very people I was incriminating with these
documents. So what did Ms del
Ponte do? She gave my full name
and job to the press. This was as
if I had given information to the US Drug Enforcement Agency about the Escobar
Clan out of Medellin and then, while still in the lions' den, read in the New
York Times that I was the chief witness against Escobar.
In my case, it was Moscow rather than Medellin and the newspaper was
the Corriere della Sera but the effect was the same.
I was in big trouble and saved my life by hurriedly getting out of
Moscow. Since then, for the past
three years, I have been living undercover.
I have Carla del Ponte to thank for this.
She told the hit-men where to find me.
Elsässer:
Isn't that an exaggeration? How
is a Swiss Federal Prosecutor responsible for an article in an Italian
newspaper?
Turover:
Both the Corriere journalists got all their information from del Ponte,
including my mobile phone number. They
told me so themselves, because they knew my life was in danger.
Elsässer:
Del Ponte has denied that.
Turover:
Then she's not telling the truth.
And I've already said this many times and she has never threatened to
sue for slander. The reason is
simple: she has no proof, but I
do.
Elsässer:
Mabetex boss Pacolli is not only a construction magnate, but is also
said to have close ties to the Kosovo Albanian KLA terrorists.
Turover:
That's right. He himself
has stated that at least until 2000 his group owned the Kosovo Albanian daily
"Bota Sot" which even the OSCE condemned for racist articles.
Its agitation was aimed mainly at the Serbs, but it also made an
anti-Semitic attack on me as the "Jew Turover".
Elsässer:
If it were the case that the Yeltsin clan had received Kosovo Albanian
bribes, this might explain his behaviour in spring 1999.
As NATO prepared for war against Yugoslavia, he didn't lift a finger to
help the Serbs, his supposed brother people.
At the Rambouillet Conference, when the NATO states took an extremely
biased pro-Albanian position, Moscow didn't protest, although its diplomats
were at the negotiating table. Did
the Kosovo Albanians buy Yeltsin's passivity?
Turover:
That's possible. We're
looking here at a symbiosis of politics, plunder and money laundering on a
large scale.
Elsässer:
And del Ponte?
Turover:
All the preliminary inquiries in the Mabetex case in Switzerland were
politically abandoned at the highest level.
Moreover, the documents that del Ponte had received from her Russian
colleague Skuratov somehow ended up in Pacolli's possession.
He reported back to his Russian friends Yeltsin and Borodin and
subsequently Skuratov, an honest and competent lawyer, was shunted aside, in
spite of three almost unanimous resolutions in his support from the Russian
Senate. The end of Skuratov was
also the end of the Moscow Mabetex case - the proceedings were finally
abandoned in December 2000.
Elsässer:
Was del Ponte acting to protect the Albanian Mafia or the Yeltsin clan?
Turover:
Neither. She acts only in
her own interest. She is
indifferent to political goals. Look
at the point in time when she made public what she knew about the Mabetex
case, including my name - the end of August 1999.
That was a blow not only to me, but to Yeltsin too.
It's
true that she later failed to follow through on the case, but at that moment
her revelations did serious damage to Yeltsin.
The immediate background was the spectacular coup by Russian elite
units in Kosovo in summer 1999; after
the ceasefire they occupied Pristina airport, getting there before NATO.
According to the British head of KFOR, Michael Jackson, this could have
led to world war three. Moscow
was playing for high stakes. It
wanted its own occupation zone in Kosovo to protect the Serbs.
In this situation Yeltsin had to be repudiated.
The current US Foreign Minister, Madeleine Albright, therefore met del
Ponte at London Heathrow airport in July 1999 and probably spelt all this out
to her. So then del Ponte went
public with her revelations about Yeltsin in Corriere della Sera and in
mid-September Albright in a statement on CNN stoked up the heat about Russian
government corruption. Yeltsin
had to fear an effort to impeach him and then prosecution.
He was let off the hook by two bombings in Moscow, allegedly by Chechen
terrorists. Russian troops went
into Chechnya and public attention was diverted from Russiagate.
Elsässer:
Was del Ponte acting as an agent of Washington in this situation?
Turover:
She is no more pro-American than she is pro-Albanian.
She acts in Swiss interests, i.e. in the interests of the Mafia in
Switzerland.
Elsässer:
Explain.
Turover:
Switzerland and the Swiss banks live mainly off money laundering.
All the world's dictators and major criminals deposit their money here.
Above all the canton of Tessin is exceptionally well placed for this.
People simply carry millions in suitcases and glove compartments over
the border from Italy. Every
politician in Tessin knows about it and benefits from it.
And as the canton's public prosecutor del Ponte protected this activity
even before the Mabetex case at the end of the 1990s.
Take the case of a company in Chiasso accused of money laundering for
the Italian Mafia. She stopped
the proceedings. But basically
del Ponte is pro-del Ponte. She
would do anything for her career, even bring a case against George W. Bush.
She is in any case a useless lawyer.
To my knowledge she has never won a case in her entire career.
Her only talent is self-promotion, self-marketing.
Elsässer:
Her agreement with Albright in any case proved profitable.
A little later she became the Chief Prosecutor at the Hague, at
Washington's behest. The Zurich Weltwoche
expressed surprise: "why the Americans wanted her to succeed the
difficult and prematurely ousted Louise Arbour remains a puzzle.
After all they had made no secret of the fact that they regarded the
Court as a useless waste of time".
Turover:
Del Ponte and the Swiss government helped Albright and the Americans -
they're honest people, they pay their bills - therefore rewarded her with the
Hague job. Here too she has sold
herself brilliantly. With her,
the trial is a total disaster. She
has nothing on Milosevic, and legally he ought therefore to be released
immediately. And so Milosevic,
who himself is nothing but a bandit and con man, can present himself as an
innocent victim of persecution and Serb nationalism is on the rise as the
recent elections showed[1][1].
Do people in the Hague really not know that the Swiss Federal
Government has appointed a special investigator to look into the del Ponte
affair? How can a woman who is
herself the subject of judicial investigation at the highest level because of
serious crimes stay on as Chief Prosecutor at the UN war crimes tribunal?
Elsässer:
In March 2001 you reported Carla del Ponte and persons unknown to the
police for, among other things, endangering your life and attempted murder (tentato
assassinio) in connection with Russiagate.
But the Swiss Federal Prosecutor, Valentin Roschacher, dismissed the
charges against his predecessor. So
how can you say that a special investigation of del Ponte is ongoing?
Turover:
Roschacher protected del Ponte and I have therefore brought a case
against him for bias in her favour. This
case has not only been taken up, but in May 2002 the Swiss Federal Council
appointed a special investigator, Arthur Hublard, the former public prosecutor
of Jura canton. He is
investigating my accusations against Roschacher - but the del Ponte case is
obviously also involved here. Furthermore,
I have laid charges against Switzerland at the European Court of Human Rights
in Strasbourg.
Elsässer:
Against Switzerland, not against del Ponte?
Turover:
You can't bring cases against private persons in Strasbourg.
But in substance the charges relate primarily to del Ponte because as
the Swiss Federal Prosecutor she placed my life in danger.
It's preposterous for her to continue to hold office in the Hague when
two such cases are pending.
Elsässer:
You are living in hiding, constantly moving house.
How long will you keep this up?
Turover: I have to, otherwise I'm dead because of del Ponte. I have of course insured myself by making sure that in the event of my demise even more explosive information than hitherto will be revealed. But that does not provide me with real security. So far at least five prosecution witnesses in the Mabetex case have been cleared out of the way. The most recent victim was Pacolli's personal secretary, a 32-year old woman, who was found dead in the bathroom, allegedly from a blood clot. There was no autopsy and she was cremated the next day.
[1][1] Obviously, these disparaging remarks about President Milosevic do not represent the views of the ICDSM. The reason why Carla del Ponte has got nothing on Mr Milosevic is that the charges against him have no basis in reality. However incompetent del Ponte may be, she has had a multitude of "experts", investigators and compliant officials within and outside Yugoslavia to help her in her quest for "evidence". They have found nothing because there was never anything there to find.
B) CRIMINAL CHARGES AGAINST CARLA DEL PONTE
Pursuant to the Art. 224 of the Law on Criminal Proceedings and the Art. 107 item 1 of the Penal Code of FRY, the above Attorney’ s Office being of actual and regional jurisdiction has been filed the following
CRIMINAL
CHARGES
against:
National Committee for Release of
Slobodan Milosevic
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